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Wall of Hope or False Promise? Unveiling Environmental Security through the Great Green Wall’s Impact

Writer's picture: Andreea Lauricella PivasuAndreea Lauricella Pivasu

ABSTRACT


As environmental degradation accelerates and issues such as resource scarcity and ecological collapse drive violent conflict and migration, global initiatives such as international agreements, renewable energy programs, and ecosystem preservation efforts have been launched worldwide. Among these ambitious solutions is the African Union’s Great Green Wall project, which was designed to combat desertification and restore degraded land across Africa. Despite significant criticism, its success continues to demonstrate its potential. This study delves into the concept of environmental security, which links climate-related issues to broader security concerns. It examines the Great Green Wall initiative and Sahel region as a case study to evaluate whether this project can achieve lasting results by analyzing its past and present progress.



Rising water levels, increasing temperatures, and surges in natural calamities, such as hurricanes and other extreme weather events, highlight the urgent need to protect our environment. Globally, political and public policy efforts have been initiated to address these challenges, including international agreements such as the Paris Agreement, Montreal and Kyoto Protocol, renewable energy initiatives such as Germany’s Energiewende, circular economy strategies under the European Green Deal, and ecosystem conservation projects such as those protecting the Great Barrier Reef in Australia and the Amazon Rainforest in Brazil [7]. This demonstrates that humanity is finally acknowledging its responsibility and the critical necessity of environmental protection, not only for the planet’s sake, but also for its own survival. Such awareness is believed to arise from recognizing humans’ intrinsic connection to the environment, and failure to act towards its protection will lead to catastrophic consequences, which constitute the core principle of environmental security.


The latter began taking shape in the 1980s-1990s when peace and environmental scholars highlighted the limitations of traditional national security institutions in addressing shared environmental challenges, posing significant risks to international stability and governance. Unlike traditional security paradigms that emphasize military and warfare aspects, environmental security is concerned with examining ecological changes and their implications for states, rather than solely for the environment [10]. Today, environmental issues have gained political significance due to the increased scale of consumption and pollution in modern, high-energy societies, resulting in alarming consequences for Earth.


Nina Graeger has presented a compelling case for connecting nature and security by highlighting several key factors.


  1. Environmental degradation, such as air and water pollution, deforestation, and soil erosion, poses severe threats to human security and life on Earth.

  2. Environmental change can act as both a cause and consequence of violent conflict, with inadequate natural resource management or widespread environmental degradation sparking disputes within and between nations, even among countries with otherwise friendly relations.

  3. The core principles of military security – predictability and control – can also be applied to environmental protection. Irreparable environmental degradation or large-scale ecological changes can destabilize societies, thereby increasing the risk of armed conflict.

  4. As environmental sustainability has entered the sphere of "high politics" in multiple countries, it may promote cooperation and, therefore, be seen as a form of peacebuilding. [5]


A real-life example that perfectly encapsulates Graeger's reasoning is Sahel Desert. The Sahel is a transitional zone characterized by semi-arid grasslands and shrublands, stretching across Africa between the Sahara Desert in the north and tropical savannas in the south. It spans Senegal, Mauritania, Mali, Burkina Faso, Algeria, Niger, Chad, South Sudan, North Sudan, and Eritrea. Sahel experiences a climate marked by an extended dry period and a brief humid season, with rainfall being highly variable and unpredictable. Cycles of intense and sustained precipitation, followed by extended dry months, result in fragile ecosystems.


A significant outcome is the rapid degradation of soil quality owing to a combination of climate change, population growth, and human activities. These factors reinforce one another and create a constant cycle of environmental vulnerability. Over the past century, rainfall in the Sahel has decreased by 20-30%, accelerating desertification and soil depletion of vital nutrients through erosion caused by wind and water. Consequently, land fertility has diminished, making it less suitable for farming and agriculture. However, the problem persists even during episodes of intense rainfall, which “washes away” the precious, already scarce nutrients of the soil. [4]


This is particularly relevant for the local people: predominantly semi-nomadic cattle herders and farmers, who rely on what the land provides. The recent population increase has exacerbated the need for cultivation, leading to overcultivation, deforestation due to firewood demands, and overgrazing by livestock, which strips vegetation and further degrades the quality of land [14]. The decline in natural resources has directly become a security concern, sparking conflicts between neighboring communities and nations over water, pasture, and productive soil in an already volatile region. Since the formation of al-Qaeda cells in 2001, the Sahel has witnessed an increase in extremist Salafist terrorist activities starting in 2007, particularly prominent in the northwestern area (Mauritania, Mali, Niger, and southern Algeria), resulting in the de facto secession of northern Mali. On October 12, 2012, in response to the deterioration of the situation and a plea for help from the recently established national unity government led by Modibo Diarra, the UN Security Council adopted Resolution 2071, which authorized a military intervention led by the African Union with support from NATO and Western countries [15]. According to UNICEF, violent incidents in the central Sahel claimed nearly 1,400 lives in the first quarter of 2024. This figure represents a 66% increase over the same period last year, continuing the upward trend observed in recent years. [11]



Coupled with the decline in productivity of the land, escalating violence has forced many to migrate in search of better opportunities, either by relocating to urban centers within their own countries or ultimately crossing borders, resulting in more than 4.2 million people being displaced across the region as of 2023 [12]. This must have severely affected cities and neighboring countries, pressured by the influx of migrants.


Those who decided to stay and raise awareness about the issue did so by implementing their rich musical traditions and tying environmental concerns to their cultural heritage. Singer-songwriter Alif Naaba from Burkina Faso was inspired by the drying up of a childhood pond to write "Et Maintenant," blending folk and traditional music to draw attention to environmental degradation. Numerous social movements in the Sahel have been supported by hip-hop artists and civil society groups or initiatives, such as the Tasck Creative. The efforts involve musicians such as Dandizzy, who utilize their art to promote social change, encouraging, for instance, voter registration by stating: "We need to mobilize ourselves to bring about the change we desire. Music remains one of the best ways to achieve that." [16]


These voices shed light on the emerging humanitarian crisis caused by environmental degradation, which undermines worldwide stability. This awareness has driven the African Union Commission to launch the Great Green Wall (GGW) project in 2007 with the aim of restoring 100 million hectares of degraded land across 21 countries in the conflict-ridden regions of Sahel, North Africa, and the Horn of Africa. Initially conceived as an 8,000-km-long and 15-km-wide green barrier stretching from Senegal in the west to Djibouti in the east, the project has evolved, currently intending to plant trees and vegetation across extensive areas of rangeland and arid regions, sequestering 250 million tons of carbon and generating 10 million local green jobs and income-producing activities for the affected communities.



Underlying this optimistic project, fundamental concerns may exist, including the very concept of planting trees, which stems from the desiccation theory of the French forester Louis Lavauden. According to this theory, later popularized by English forester Richard St. Barbe Baker, deforestation in arid areas caused desertification, and tree planting could help reverse this process. While appealing, this viewpoint reflects an overly arborcentric perspective rooted in European thought. It assumes that drylands are inherently degraded landscapes rather than naturally occurring ecosystems. Consequently, it suggests that remedies effective for European soil can be universally applied to other soil types, promoting a "one-size-fits-all" approach that disregards the unique requirements and circumstances of many regions where such interventions are needed. [9]


The GGW faces ecological and practical challenges that extend beyond its roots in European and arborcentric thinking, such as recurring criticism regarding the selection of tree species ill-suited for Sahel’s arid regions, better fitting grasslands, and steppe woodlands. Additionally, these trees typically require substantial amounts of water, further straining a region already experiencing water scarcity. Archaeological evidence shows that these landscapes have naturally alternated between greening and drying periods over millennia, functioning as dynamic systems rather than as barren wastelands. Traditional farming practices in the Sahel already incorporate trees that provide fruits, shade, and resting places for livestock, playing a critical role in sustaining soil fertility through livestock dung; yet, they are often excluded from conventional measurements of tree cover because they are not positioned densely enough to be classified as “forests.”


Another issue to consider is the impact on the livestock sector: since the GGW’s plans designate up to 3 million hectares as restricted for grazing during unspecified periods, pastoralists are to face the hardship of restricted access to water points and livestock corridors, as seen in Senegal’s Ferlo region and certain parts of Niger. Paradoxically, these constraints exacerbate food scarcity, undermining the GGW’s intended purpose of mitigating resource shortages and instead contributing to their escalation [6].


Furthermore, budgetary issues have hindered this initiative. At the 2015 Paris Climate Summit, donors pledged $4 billion in funding for the GGW, but by 2020, only $870 million had been delivered. Achieving the goal of afforestation of 100 million hectares by 2030 will necessitate an additional $4.3 billion in funding each year. While subsequent assurances, such as the $14 billion announced at the 2021 One Planet Summit, offer some optimism, the reliance on external donors raises concerns about long-term sustainability. This uncertainty stems from the fact that most funds come from international sources, with partner countries providing only minimal financial support, creating dependencies that could compromise the sense of ownership and accountability among national and regional institutions.


Finally, inconsistent monitoring and reporting obstruct the initiative’s effectiveness. Each partner country is responsible for self-reporting, which often relies on rough calculations. For example, it remains unclear how many of the 12 million trees reportedly planted in Senegal have survived. Similarly, there is little transparency regarding the chosen ways to meet the target of 10 million green jobs [2].


The progress of the GGW has been notably slow. Despite the investment exceeding $200 million, only 4 million hectares have been planted, falling significantly short of the 2030 goal of planting 100 million hectares. Advancements vary among countries. Having begun reforestation efforts earlier than its neighbors, Ethiopia stands out, with 5.5 billion seedlings planted on 151,000 hectares of newly terraced forest. As of 2021, the creation of 350,000 green jobs represents a significant accomplishment; however, it has not reached the target of 10 million [8].


Measurable improvements in food security and household income have been experienced by participating communities. In Senegal, the percentage of households that worried about food availability dropped by 7%, while households that endured an entire day without eating in the past year decreased from 46% to 15%. In Niger, this number dropped from 69% to 58%. Similarly, economic assets increased, with the percentage of households reporting improved incomes rising from 13% to 30% in Niger, 8% to 35% in Senegal, and 19% to 46% in Nigeria. The proportion of households engaging in non-timber forest product (NTFP)-based economic activities, which enhance community resilience by promoting food and nutrition security, income generation, and land conservation, also increased by 10% in both Niger and Nigeria between 2018 and 2020 [3]. These achievements demonstrate the possibility of GGW initiatives to not only restore degraded land but also support livelihoods, particularly through improved food availability and potential economic expansion.


Moreover, the project has shown adaptability and readiness to evolve. Initial criticism regarding the unsuitability of tree species with high water demands has prompted changes to include more locally appropriate vegetation that aligns with the needs of Sahelian communities. A key example is the integration of the baobab tree, particularly in Northern Ghana’s Upper East Region, and Burkina Faso, which is one of the country’s most vulnerable areas [13]. Here, a system for producing and distributing baobab fruit was developed in collaboration with Aduna, a global superfood company. This initiative links women to global supply chains, providing income security while encouraging the planting of more baobab trees that thrive in the Sahel and can be used for the aforementioned purposes. [1]



Finally, the Great Green Wall has faced numerous challenges, including insufficient funding, inappropriate tree selection, and inconsistent monitoring of political instability and ecological complexities; however, it has also shown a remarkable capacity for adaptation and evolution. What began as a simple plan for a "wall of trees" has transformed into a multifaceted initiative, embracing diverse ecosystems and sustainable development strategies tailored to the Sahel’s unique needs; perhaps exactly what China’s initiative, holding the same name, has failed to achieve. Progress in food security, income generation, and ecological restoration demonstrates the project’s potential, but achieving its ambitious goals requires sustained commitment, collaboration, and innovation as well as moving beyond its Eurocentric origins. To reach its objectives, the GGW must continue to prioritize locally appropriate vegetation, empower communities, and address security and environmental challenges using regionally tailored solutions. By doing so, it could potentially establish itself as a global exemplar for tackling both environmental and humanitarian crises and perhaps even turn back the clock on environmental degradation to secure a sustainable future for humanity.


BIBLIOGRAPHY


  1. Aduna. "Aduna & the Great Green Wall." Aduna World. Accessed January 2025. https://aduna.com/blogs/aduna-world/aduna-the-great-green-wall.

  2. Annual Reviews. "Progress Is Slow on Africa's Great Green Wall, but Some Bright Spots Bloom." Annual Review of Environment and Resources, 48 (2023): 121–146. Accessed January 2025. https://www.annualreviews.org/docserver/fulltext/energy/48/1/annurev-environ-112321-111102.pdf?expires=1737286010&id=id&accname=guest&checksum=AE2D35B6BDB5A4B0F8233ACC3137EA84.

  3. Digiface. "Non-Timber Forest Products (NTFPs) as Climate Actions in West Africa Sahel: A Review." Digiface Publications. Accessed January 2025. https://www.digiface.org/publications/non-timber-forest-products-ntfps-as-climate-actions-in-west-africa-sahel-a-review/.

  4. Doso, Stephen Jnr. "Land Degradation and Agriculture in the Sahel of Africa: Causes, Impacts and Recommendations." Journal of Agricultural Science and Applications, September 2014. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/284364313. https://doi.org/10.14511/jasa.2014.030303.

  5. Graeger, Nina. "Environmental Security?: Understanding the Links between Climate and Security." Journal of Peace Research 33, no. 1 (1996): 109-116. Accessed January 2025. https://www.jstor.org/stable/pdf/425137.pdf?casa_token=5u1VPF_hPhMAAAAA:uP7m6V1v1fzMza897wmUzA5xmGqtmO2_tQQJjCEhbdyZCFjozH3vdRD0oBv5h7GoFAgfQRf8UygyG0uHY146kNj2mOzzzMeCgrwf__6IcLADsXcRGns.

  6. Gravesen, Marie Ladekjær, and Mikkel Funder. The Great Green Wall: An Overview and Lessons Learnt. Accessed January 2025.

  7. LCLark Law Library. "Major Sources of International Climate Agreements." Climate Change Treaty Database. Accessed January 2025. https://lawlib.lclark.edu/climate/treaties#:~:text=Major%20sources%20of%20international%20climate,UNFCCC%20in%20implementing%20these%20treaties.

  8. Mongabay. “Progress Is Slow on Africa’s Great Green Wall, but Some Bright Spots Bloom.” Mongabay News, August 14, 2023. Accessed January 2025. https://news.mongabay.com/2023/08/progress-is-slow-on-africas-great-green-wall-but-some-bright-spots-bloom/.

  9. Pastoralism, Uncertainty, Resilience (PASTRES). "Of Deserts and Decolonization: Dispelling Myths about Drylands." PASTRES, October 30, 2020. Accessed January 2025. https://pastres.org/2020/10/30/of-deserts-and-decolonization-dispelling-myths-about-drylands/.

  10. State Department Archive. "Europe's Environment: Problems and Prospects." U.S. Department of State. Accessed January 2025.

    https://2001-2009.state.gov/p/eur/rls/rpt/2001/5882.htm.

  11. UNICEF. "UNICEF Regional Director Condemns Growing Violence in Central Sahel as Grave Violations against Children Increase." UNICEF Press Releases. Accessed January 2025. https://www.unicef.org/press-releases/unicef-regional-director-condemns-growing-violence-central-sahel-grave-violations.

  12. UN Refugee Agency. "Sahel Crisis." UNHCR, 2023. Accessed January 2025. https://www.unrefugees.org/emergencies/sahel-crisis/#:~:text=More%20than%204.2%20million%20people,region%20(as%20of%202023).&text=3.7%20million%20people%20are%20internally,region%20(as%20of%202023).

  13. Voice of America. "Burkina Faso’s Baobab Tree Entrepreneur Rewilding the Sahel." Voice of America News, February 14, 2022. Accessed January 2025. https://www.voanews.com/a/burkina-faso-s-baobab-tree-entrepreneur-rewilding-the-sahel/6452172.html.

  14. World Resources Institute. “Drought, Desertification, and the Regreening of the Sahel.” UNCCD Publications, 2022. Accessed January 2025. https://catalogue.unccd.int/1715_Drought_desertification_regreening_Sahel_Eng_Final.pdf.

  15. ReliefWeb. "Foreign Powers and Counter-Terrorism Operations in the Sahel Region." ReliefWeb, 2023. Accessed January 2025.

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  16. UNDP. "Music, Art, and Culture in the Sahel: Striking a Delicate Balance." UNDP Africa Blog. Accessed January 2025. https://www.undp.org/africa/waca/blog/music-art-and-culture-sahel-striking-delicate-balance.


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